KISSINGER AND NIXON IN THE WHITE HOUSE
BY SEYMOUR M. HERSH
The Atlantic Monthly | May 1982
(Note: Kissinger, Perle and
Sonnenfeldt share a long history, predating their membership in the
Defense Policy Board by 30+ years. As Seymour Hersh showed in 1982, the
three of them were involved in the passing of classified information to
Israel. Sonnenfeldt provided the information, Perle passed it to the
Israeli Embassy, and Kissinger ran interference. I leave the reader to
draw their own conclusions.)
http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/82may/hershwh2.htm
...The stream of secrets was intense. There were the bad secrets,
dealing with the continuing White House wiretaps. There were the good
secrets, such as the backchannel negotiations with
China and with the Soviet Union
that would lead to breakthroughs-without any State Department
involvement-before the year was out. And there were the routine secrets,
the enormous flow of documents and cables that were handled by Kissinger
and his staff as he continuously expanded his influence. As the flow of
secrets intensified, so did Kissinger's concern about the security of his
immediate office. His telephones were still being repeatedly swept for
signs of wiretapping, but Kissinger insisted that such surveillance not be
placed on a routine basis with any single agency. Special teams from the
Secret Service, CIA, FBI, or National Security Agency would be summoned to
his office at random and on short notice to inspect the telephones,
raising the inevitable question among Kissinger's staff: Who was the
enemy? One aide, asked why Kissinger did not simply permanently assign the
FBI to monitor his phones, responded: "Who trusted
Hoover?"
In 1974 testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Kissinger repeatedly sought to minimize his interest at this period in the
White House wiretap program. "After May of 1970," he said, "I had no basis
for knowing whether a tap had been initiated or was continuing.... I
construed my instructions from Mr. Haldeman to mean that my tangential
connection with the program was being terminated." Kissinger testified
that in mid-October of 1970, when a second wiretap was authorized for Hal
Sonnenfeldt, who was then Kissinger's closest personal friend on the NSC
staff, his role was even more tangential. " ... it is hard to imagine the
flood of material that goes across my desk. I am apt to look at something
and say this is for somebody else and throw it into my out basket. Most of
these documents are not noted for extraordinary precision." The
less-than-precise document in question in Sonnenfeldt's case, however, was
an FBI summary of a wiretap on the Israeli Embassy in which Richard N.
Perle, an aide to Senator Henry Jackson, was overheard discussing
classified information that had been supplied to him by someone on the
National Security Council staff.
Hoover, following normal
practice with sensitive materials from embassy wiretaps, had sent the
document to Kissinger. Kissinger hesitated a few days. Then, despite his
insistence that he was out of the internal-security business after May of
1970, he forwarded the material to Haldeman, who immediately telephoned
Hoover, according to FBI documents, and ordered that the FBI be assigned
to determine which NSC staffer was in contact with Richard Perle.
Haldeman and Nixon must have hit the roof. In a telephone call on
October 15, 1970, to
Hoover, Haldeman invoked the name of Henry Kissinger in asking for another
wiretap on Sonnenfeldt. Kissinger had to realize that Haldeman and
Hoover
would suspect Sonnenfeldt, who was known from previous wiretaps to have
close ties to the Israelis as well as to Perle. Sonnenfeldt, a former
State Department intelligence official, had been repeatedly investigated
by the FBI for other suspected leaks early in his career, and Kissinger,
as he told the Senate committee, was aware that Sonnenfeldt had "been the
subject of a malicious campaign by a group of individuals who had been out
to get him for a long time." But Al Haig was now part of that
group-another fact Kissinger surely knew. Sonnenfeldt had been among
Haig's early rivals in 1969 for the job as assistant to Kissinger; that,
plus Sonnenfeldt's continued closeness to Kissinger-despite the
mistreatment Kissinger handed out-was enough for Haig to mark him
permanently as the enemy. It was inconceivable that Kissinger would not
realize the consequences of his act in turning over the Israeli Embassy
wiretap to Haldeman, who would inevitably link Sonnenfeldt, a Jew, to the
intercepted conversation. Kissinger was, in essence, turning in his
closest remaining friend on his staff. It had to be, at best, a painful
moment. Kissinger handled questions about the Sonnenfeldt wiretap from the
Senate committee in his usual fashion: he dissembled. "I have no
recollection of this at all," he testified. "All that could have happened
is that the FBI sent over something off a tap on the Israeli Embassy which
I did not think was relevant to my concern and on which I wrote, 'Give
this to Haldeman.'" The committee members apparently accepted that
explanation
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